SIRIA, UNA PRIMAVERA TRA LE RIGHE | NENA NEWS | NEAR EAST NEWS AGENCY
November 15th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
SIRIA, UNA PRIMAVERA TRA LE RIGHE
I recenti «Elogio dell’odio» di Khaled Khalifa e «Lo specchio del mio segreto» di Samar Yazbek sono solo due esempi della nuova letteratura siriana.
MONICA RUOCCO
Roma, 12 novembre 2011, Nena News – «Io sono il principale censore di me stesso, è come se dentro di me convivessi con un cane da guardia. Nonostante gli anni di esperienza, spesso non riesco a individuare il confine tra verità e menzogna. A volte mi sento davvero stanco di questo giocare al gatto col topo, e allora mi dico che sono un giornalista, non uno schiavo, e che scriverò quello che mi pare». È quanto afferma in un recente articolo sulle primavere arabe Khalil Suweileh, capo redattore della sezione culturale del principale quotidiano statale siriano, «Tishrin», e corrispondente per il quotidiano libanese «al-Akhbar». Suweileh, che è anche scrittore (il suo quarto romanzo, Warraq al-hubb, «Lo scrivano d’amore», è stato insignito nel 2009 della prestigiosa Naguib Mahfouz Medal for Literature), sintetizza bene la realtà in cui gli intellettuali siriani vivono da almeno quattro decenni.
Le contraddizioni del potere
Il dissenso nei confronti del regime, prima quello di Hafez al-Asad, poi di suo figlio Bashar, è stata una costante della vita politica e culturale della Siria dagli anni ‘70, non senza contraddizioni e ambiguità. Se solo ci limitiamo a osservare quanto è accaduto sotto il governo di Bashar al-Asad, notiamo che il fronte di opposizione rappresentato dal Consiglio Nazionale di Transizione di recente riunitosi a Istanbul rappresenta soltanto l’ultima tappa di una protesta che si apre all’indomani della morte di Hafez al-Asad. Alla fine del settembre 2000, infatti, viene diffuso sulla stampa araba il cosiddetto «manifesto dei 99», firmato appunto da 99 intellettuali, tra cui docenti universitari, scrittori, cineasti, scrittori, giornalisti, artisti (compreso il politologo franco-siriano Burhan Ghalioun attualmente alla guida del Consiglio Nazionale di Transizione), che chiedono al nuovo capo di Stato l’abolizione dello stato di emergenza e della legge marziale, la liberazione dei detenuti politici e il rientro dei cittadini siriani costretti all’esilio, la libertà di riunione e di espressione…
Come hanno dimostrato i fatti recenti, malgrado il dibattito che si è immediatamente aperto circa la richiesta da parte del Consiglio di Transizione di un intervento internazionale, la realtà siriana sembra definitivamente travolta da un cambiamento che sarà complicato fermare. Quella siriana è senza dubbio una rivoluzione a carattere popolare, che è nata tra i giovani (giovanissime sono ad esempio le blogger Tal al-Mallouhi, che a soli 19 anni è stata condannata a cinque anni di carcere e Razan Ghazzawi presente all’Arab Blogger 2011 tenutosi in ottobre a Tunisi, arabloggers.com/blog) e che ha saputo travolgere, coinvolgendoli, tutti quegli intellettuali che in questi anni, nonostante i tentativi del regime di ridurli al silenzio, hanno testimoniato con i propri lavori la difficoltà di vivere escogitando mille stratagemmi per sottrarsi alla censura e a una eventuale persecuzione politica. In un clima di paura e costante attenzione sul proprio operato, gli intellettuali siriani non schierati con il regime hanno spesso fatto i conti con un atteggiamento delle autorità decisamente contraddittorio: uno stesso autore poteva vedere le proprie opere vietate, ma comunque in circolazione, ed essere, nello stesso tempo, insignito di riconoscimenti statali.
Ovviamente negli ultimi mesi la situazione si è ulteriormente inasprita. Ad esempio, la scrittrice Samar Yazbek, alawita come gli al-Asad, popolare giornalista, sceneggiatrice per il cinema e la televisione siriana, autrice di documentari sulla condizione femminile in Siria (un suo lavoro sulle spose bambine è stato premiato dall’Unesco nel 2004), si è trasferita da poco a Parigi dopo aver subito cinque arresti e aver assistito alle torture inflitte ai prigionieri nelle carceri siriane.
Di Samar Yazbek, nata nel 1970 a Jable, una cittadina sulla costa mediterranea, è da poco apparso per Castelvecchi il romanzo Lo specchio del mio segreto (pp. 249, euro 16), il suo secondo lavoro in italiano dopo Il profumo della cannella, una storia sull’omosessualità femminile e sui rapporti di potere tra donne appartenenti a classi sociali diverse, censurato in Siria. Già dai suoi esordi – risale al 2002 il suo Tiflat al-samà’ (La figlia del cielo) pubblicato in Libano perché rifiutato dalle case editrici siriane -, Samar Yazbak si è concentrata su racconti che indagassero sulla complessità dei rapporti tra individui appartenenti a comunità diverse, sul peso della tradizione nella vita degli individui, sulle espressioni del dissenso da parte degli intellettuali.
In Lo specchio del mio segreto, l’autrice continua il suo tentativo di infrangere tabù sociali e politici attraverso la storia d’amore tra un’attrice, Layla, alawita e sorella di un prigioniero politico, e Said, sunnita e fedele al regime del presidente Hafez al-Asad, con i cui funerali di Stato apre il racconto. Anche Layla conoscerà la dura condizione del carcere mentre Said, dopo la morte del presidente, si rifugia nella sua cittadina natale attanagliato dal rimorso e dal ricordo dell’amata. Nonostante la traduzione renda talvolta la lettura assai faticosa, il romanzo si rivela interessante laddove, nella narrazione, si sente più forte la presenza di concetti legati alla dottrina alawita, dal discorso sulla reincarnazione (la protagonista collega costantemente la sua storia con Said a quanto già vissuto in una vita precedente) al continuo gioco di metamorfosi tra universo maschile e femminile, e tra le diverse nature che coesistono in uno stesso individuo.
All’ombra del sospetto
Violenza, scontro tra comunità, eccidi di stato, rappresentano il nucleo centrale di un altro importante romanzo di un autore siriano pubblicato in Italia. Nel suo Elogio dell’odio (Bompiani 2011, pp. 527, euro 21,90), Khaled Khalifa ripercorre gli scontri sanguinosi tra esercito e oppositori appartenenti al movimento politico di ispirazione islamica che agli inizi degli anni Ottanta sconvolsero la città di Hama. La storia, quella di due fondamentalismi che si affrontano, è raccontata attraverso gli occhi di una studentessa di medicina di Aleppo che sceglie di militare al fianco degli integralisti. Per rendere sempre più saldo il suo credo politico, la giovane comincia a nutrire dentro di sé un odio sempre maggiore nei confronti del nemico, rappresentato di volta in volta dai soldati, dal regime, dai non credenti e, infine, anche dalle sue compagne di scuola e di università che scelgono di vivere in maniera completamente diversa dalla sua. I personaggi maschili rimangono per lo più sullo sfondo, mentre emerge prepotente un universo femminile che parte dal nucleo familiare della protagonista – non ci sono uomini nella casa dove abita -, e si allarga alle cellule politiche clandestine in cui milita.
La coinvolgente traduzione di Francesca Prevedello rende perfettamente quell’atmosfera che talvolta strizza l’occhio a ritratti di stampo orientalista per poi immergere il lettore nella cupa atmosfera di una società dominata dal sospetto e dall’oppressione. Anche Khaled Khalifa, originario di Aleppo, ha dovuto destreggiarsi in patria tra la propria professione di noto sceneggiatore per la televisione di stato siriana (è uno di quegli autori che hanno fatto sì che le serie siriane diventassero più popolari di quelle egiziane nel mercato arabofono), e quella di scrittore libero e indipendente.
Il suo romanzo, per la cui stesura ha impiegato tredici anni, è stato censurato immediatamente quando è uscito nel 2006. La censura si è accanita anche con la sua rivista letteraria «Aleph», anche se Khalifa, che ha scelto di continuare a vivere nel suo paese, è oggi una delle personalità più popolari della scena artistica e letteraria siriana.
Tradizione e ironia
Scelta del tutto diversa da quella del decano della letteratura siriana, Zakariyya Tamer, il quale ha lasciato la Siria come molti altri connazionali – basti ricordare Adonis, Jackleen Salam, Saleh Diab, Maher Sharefeddine, Hussein Bin Hamza, Ghalia Qabbani, Mohja Kahf, Maha Hassan e molti altri. Nato nel 1931 a Damasco in un contesto familiare decisamente povero, Tamer è costretto ad abbandonare gli studi, pur non rinunciando alla sua ambizione di scrittore. Dal 1957 lavora per la stampa periodica siriana fino a pubblicare la prima raccolta di racconti nel 1960 a Beirut.
Sviluppando uno stile unico che fonde la tradizione classica a una vena decisamente visionaria e ironica, Tamer si impone nel panorama letterario arabo soprattutto nel genere del racconto breve. Dopo aver svolto incarichi presso il Ministero dell’Informazione e la televisione pubblica, Zakariyya Tamer decide, nel 1980, di pubblicare sulla rivista «al-Ma’rifa», organo del Ministero della Cultura, un brano tratto da un’opera del siriano al-Kawakibi (morto nel 1902), pioniere del nazionalismo arabo, in cui si denunciano aspramente il dispotismo e la tirannia.
Il dibattito suscitato da questo articolo – siamo in pieno periodo repressivo da parte del governo di Hafez al-Asad – costringe Tamer a scegliere la via dell’esilio verso il Regno Unito, dove attualmente vive. Tamer non interrompe la sua attività di scrittore, nel 2001 gli viene assegnato il premio letterario Sultan Bin ‘Ali al-’Uways, poi sempre per sottolineare le contraddizioni che caratterizzano il suo paese d’origine, la Siria gli conferisce l’Ordine al merito e, infine, nel 2009 viene insignito del premio letterario Blue Metropolis di Montreal e nel 2010 del massimo riconoscimento nella prima edizione del Short Story Forum Prize al Cairo. Alle opere di Tamer si sono interessati per lo più gli accademici italiani e le edizioni Aracne di Roma hanno pubblicato nel 2010 una sua raccolta dal titolo L’ironia del porcospino. Anche in questo caso i racconti presentano una dimensione onirica della realtà e affrontano temi quali l’ingiustizia e l’oppressione politica.
Il panorama siriano offre ancora tanto, e purtroppo ancora numerosi autori sono sconosciuti, almeno al pubblico italiano, scrittori e scrittrici appartenenti a generazioni diverse, ma che hanno in comune uno standard di scrittura decisamente elevato che si combina a una straordinaria capacità di interpretare il contesto in cui scrivono. A cominciare da Fawwaz Haddad, che scrive dalla fine degli anni Ottanta e che ha al suo attivo già una decina di romanzi. Il suo al-Mutarjim al-kha’in (Il traduttore infedele, 2008), censurato in Siria, sulla figura di un traduttore accusato di tradimento per le sue opinioni, è una metafora di cosa significa essere intellettuali in un paese come la Siria.
A questo segue ‘Azif munfarid ‘alà al-piano (Piano Solo, 2009), un thriller che ha come protagonisti un intellettuale laico e un esponente del regime che si trovano coinvolti nei negoziati tra regime e integralisti islamici. Il più recente Junud Allah (I soldati di Dio, 2010) è stato scelto tra i migliori romanzi del 2011 dal Booker Prize arabo. La storia è quella di un intellettuale siriano che parte per l’Iraq alla ricerca del figlio il quale, dopo aver abbandonato gli studi a Beirut, decide di combattere il proprio jihad (è possibile leggere una recensione del libro su www.arablit.it/rivista_arablit/numero1_2011.html).
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Ultime generazioni
Oltre a questi autori già affermati – Haddad ha ricevuto prestigiosi premi in Siria nonostante i suoi romanzi siano stati spesso censurati – sta emergendo una giovane e interessante generazione di scrittori. La casa editrice no-profit Swallow Editions, fondata e diretta dal più noto romanziere siriano residente in Europa, Rafik Schami, il quale si è trasferito con la famiglia in Germania già nel 1971, ha pubblicato Sarmada (ed. or. in inglese, 2001) di Fadi Azzam, nato nel 1973 a Swaida, nel sud del paese, e trasferitosi negli Emirati da dove collabora come giornalista per importanti testate come «al-Quds al-’Arabi». Le protagoniste di Sarmada sono donne le cui storie, raccontate attraverso diverse generazioni, si dividono tra la Siria e Parigi. Attraverso le loro vite, Azzam parla di comunismo, nazionalismo, amori proibiti, assassini e superstizioni.
Una serie di autrici sta dando il proprio contributo in prima persona alla primavera siriana, a cominciare da Dima Wannus, figlia del più noto drammaturgo arabo, Sa’d Allah. Nata nel 1982, traduttrice e conduttrice di un programma culturale per una TV satellitare, nel 2008 ha pubblicato il suo primo romanzo, Kursi (Una sedia). Si tratta di una storia che ha per protagonista un uomo sulla cinquantina ossessionato dal desiderio di occupare la sedia alla destra di un ministro del governo. Questa ossessione lo divora fin dall’infanzia, quando viveva in un piccolo villaggio e suo cugino occupava l’ambito posto, e condizionerà la sua intera esistenza. A lei si può affiancare Maha Hassan, residente in Francia, in lizza per il Booker Prize della scorsa edizione con il romanzo Habl al-surr (Cordone ombelicale, 2011), in cui si mettono a confronto la vita in Siria e in Francia attraverso l’esperienza di una madre e una figlia. Dopo aver deciso di rientrare in Siria per sposarsi, la giovane protagonista decide di ritornare in Francia per godere di quei diritti fondamentali che in patria le sono negati.
La perdita della dignità
Infine, Rosa Yaseen Hassan, nata a Damasco nel 1974, di formazione architetto, ma giornalista per quotidiani siriani e del mondo arabo, attivista politica, e vincitrice del maggiore premio letterario siriano nel 2004 per il suo romanzo d’esordio. In Hurras al-hawa’ («Le sentinelle della passione», 2009) la scrittrice narra le vicende di un prigioniero politico che subisce continue torture da parte del regime siriano e mette a fuoco soprattutto la fine della storia d’amore tra il detenuto la sua donna. La storia analizza nei dettagli la vita di chi non riesce a sapere nulla circa il destino di un proprio familiare, di chi ha perso in carcere fino all’ultimo brandello di dignità personale, fisica e psicologica. La voce narrante è quella della compagna del detenuto politico, una donna che lavora in un’ambasciata straniera con i richiedenti asilo, e che quotidianamente ha a che fare con le sofferenze di tanti giovani uomini perseguitati per le loro idee.
Questo articolo è stato pubblicato il 3 novembre 2011 dal quotidiano Il Manifesto
Photographer captures ‘new slaves’ of the Gulf – CNN.com
November 14th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
London (CNN) — Pirates? Ravers? At first glance, the portraits are startling and confusing.
Hidden behind sunglasses and hats, their faces shrouded in brightly colored scarves and t-shirts, these striking, enigmatic figures could as easily be rebel fighters as models at an edgy runway show.
In fact, they are migrant construction workers of the United Arab Emirates, mostly men from India and Pakistan whose cheap labor has powered the rise of the country’s skyscrapers.
The laborers — often subjected to exploitative working conditions, according to Human Rights Watch — are described by photographer Philippe Chancel as “the new slaves” of the Gulf.
“But they don’t look like slaves,” said the Frenchman, whose photographic study of the migrant workers was published as a book, “Workers Emirates,” last month.
They don’t look like like workers either, he said, their bright colors a stark contrast to traditionally drab depictions of laborers in the West.
“I try to give something very beautiful, a little seductive. I want not to denounce, but to give people the possibility to get inside a very deep problem,” Chancel added.
Chancel began visiting the Emirates in 2007, initially training his camera on the bold new architecture emerging out of the desert. But he soon became fascinated with the brightly-dressed workers in the margins of his viewfinder, a group which seemed to pass unnoticed by the surrounding society.
His hell is bearable
Photographer Philippe Chancel“The most shocking thing for me is the violence of the indifference,” he said. Despite their vivid appearance, he likened them to ghosts. “They were omnipresent but at the same time invisible, as if the eye did not see them as worth attention,” he writes.
The men were anonymous, their faces were shielded from the sun, while their work barely registered with the majority of the population, which spent the day sheltered from the elements inside air-conditioned buildings.
Chancel began visiting their building sites and dormitory camps unannounced, shooting “very fast and very sharp” to capture realistic representations of the men and their surroundings. On one occasion he was arrested.
Having seen the squalid conditions in their dormitories, which he likened to a prison, he became further intrigued to discover the men, who earn salaries of about $160 a month, seem to accept their plight.
The climate of fear they live in means they can’t strike or protest
Priyanka Motaparthy, Middle East researcher at Human Rights Watch“The worker is a slave, but he feels lucky to have an opportunity to try to meet his destiny,” said Chancel. “His hell is bearable.”
Priyanka Motaparthy, Middle East researcher at Human Rights Watch, said that some workers paid up to $4,000 to recruiters in pursuit of good wages and low living expenses, taking on significant debts just to get the jobs.
“Most are completely trapped by financial circumstances,” she said.
They are let into the country as temporary workers, usually on three-year permits. Tight immigration laws grant their employers extraordinary powers over their lives, with bosses keeping their passports and sponsoring their visas, meaning they cannot easily change jobs if they find the conditions intolerable.
“The climate of fear they live in means they can’t strike or protest,” she said.
The economies of the United Arab Emirates, and the other Gulf Cooperation Council countries of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and Oman, are heavily dependent on foreign workers, with an estimated 15 million foreigners working in the GCC, according to the International Labor Organization.
“Many workers don’t know what they’re getting into,” said Motaparthy. “They’re not getting contracts that reflect what the job actually is, and the contracts aren’t in their own language.”
While there had been some improvements for workers in recent years, with governments introducing wage protection schemes and mandatory health insurance to be paid by employers, exploitation was still widespread, she said.
Chancel, who has also produced work on North Korea, is currently exhibiting in London, Paris, Montpelier and Dubai.
“I love the idea of the pictures coming back to the origin,” he said of the Dubai show. But there was little chance of his subjects coming across portraits of themselves in a Dubai gallery. “Of course not,” he said.
Al-Qaeda’s North Africa branch says got Libya weapons – Yahoo! News
November 11th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
Al-Qaeda’s North Africa franchise acknowledged it had acquired part of slain Libyan dictator Moamer Kadhafi‘s arsenal, in comments by one of its leaders quoted Wednesday.
Mokhtar Belmokhtar, believed to be one of the leaders of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), made the remarks to Mauritanian news agency ANI, which has carried interviews and statements from the group in the past.
“We have been one of the main beneficiaries of the revolutions in the Arab world,” said Belmokhtar, an Algerian national.
“As for our acquisition of Libyan armament, that is an absolutely natural thing,” he said, without elaborating on the nature of the weapons purportedly acquired.
Officials and experts have expressed concern that part of Kadhafi’s considerable stock of weapons could end up in the hands of AQIM, which has bases in the Sahel and currently holds several foreign hostages.
According to several experts, AQIM has acquired surface-to-air missiles which could pose a threat to flights over the region.
Belmokhtar also claimed a level of ideological convergence existed between his movement and the Islamist rebels who eventually toppled Kadhafi last month and became Libya’s new rulers.
“We did not fight , alongside them in the field against the Kadhafi forces,” he said. “But young Islamists, jihadis… were the ones spearheading the revolution in Libya.”
The National Transitional Council now in charge of Libya owes its victory over Kadhafi’s 42-year rule partly to Western military backing and claims to seek the establishment of a moderate Islamic administration.
Spagna:progetto Montada per recupero patrimonio Mediterraneo – ANSAmed – ANSAMED.info
November 11th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
(di Paola Del Vecchio) (ANSAmed) – MADRID, 10 NOV – Il recupero e la tutela del patrimonio architettonico tradizionale per riscattare l’identità storica e culturale del Mediterraneo, grazie al coinvolgimento delle comunità locali nella sua salvaguardia. Sono gli obiettivi del progetto Montada, che rientra nel programma Euromed Heritage 4 e che, come spiega ad Ansamed la coordinatrice Montserrat Casado Herrera, “si sviluppa in continuità con altri progetti realizzati nello stesso ambito, come sono stati Corpus e Rehabimed”. Montada è orientato “ad avvicinare gli abitanti al proprio patrimonio locale, attraverso un processo partecipativo ed attività che li aiuntino a scoprirlo”. Sono 6 le città del Maghreb coinvolte, realtà urbane, economiche e culturali molto diverse: Salé e Marrakech per il Marocco, Sousse e Kairouan per la Tunisia; e Dellys e Ghardaïa per l’Algeria. “Si tratta di promuovere strumenti che coinvolgano le società locali in un nuovo modello di governance, basato sullo scambio di idee, di esperienze e conoscenze, perchè il patrimonio diventi un motore di sviluppo sostenibile”, assicura Montserrat Casado. Tali strumenti sono i piani di azione, definiti dai forum costituiti in ogni città e focalizzati su due direttrici, che individuano l’appoggio tecnico di esperti, esempi di buone pratiche nella riattazione, nelleattività di sensibilizzaizone e partecipazione, attraverso visite guidate, volontariato, festival ed esposizioni, dirette a tutti i cittadini, seminari di formazione e dibattiti. “Un esempio sono le visite guidate nella medina che si stanno realizzando a Tunisi e le iniziative di volontariato nelle città algerine. Ma, soprattutto, le attività in ambito educativo, con la creazione dei clubs di patrimonio nelle scuole e di seminari di architettura per bambini, che stanno riscuotendo un grande entusiasmo”, osserva la coordinatrice. Incontri nazionali, in ognuno dei Paesi che partecipano al progetto Montada, saranno organizzati a gennaio del 2012, per discutere temi che vanno dai rischi per il patrimonio esistente (Tunisi), alle problematiche della salvaguardia architettonica (Algeri), mentre a Barcellona è in agenda un incontro degli educatori coinvolti nel programma. Conservazione della memoria dei luoghi e trasferimento della conoscenza, per far sì che il patrimonio diventi uno strumento di sviluppo sostenibile.“Riflettere sul modello di turismo e riorientare l’offerta, soprattutto nell’attuale situazione in cui, con la Primavera Araba, si sono attenuati i flussi turistici di massa, è uno dei criteri fondanti del progetto”, osserva ancora Montserrat Casado. “Promuovere un turismo locale, al quale vanno rivolte le offerte culturali, che consentano di scoprire il patrimonio tradizionale. L’obiettivo – conclude – è individuare, attraverso la partecipazione e il consenso, nuove forme di usare i beni architettonici, di salvaguardarli e valorizzarli, per porre le basi di una nuova dinamica di turismo sostenibile”.
Prove di guerra, aerei israeliani a Decimomannu
November 11th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
Il Manifesto, 4 Novembre 2011
NATO / Iran
I caccia Nato di stanza a Decimomannu (Cagliari) avevano appena finito di bombardare la Libia, che subito si è svolta nella base aerea l’esercitazione Vega 2011. Ospite d’onore l’aviazione israeliana, che con quelle italiana, tedesca e olandese si è esercitata ad «attacchi a lungo raggio». Come riporta la stessa stampa israeliana, ciò rientra nella preparazione di un attacco agli impianti nucleari iraniani. L’esercitazione fa parte della cooperazione militare Italia-Israele, stabilita dalla Legge 17 maggio 2005, come del «Programma di cooperazione individuale» con Israele, ratificato dalla Nato il 2 dicembre 2008, tre settimane prima dell’attacco israeliano a Gaza. Comprende non solo esercitazioni militari congiunte, ma l’integrazione delle forze armate israeliane nel sistema elettronico Nato e la cooperazione nel settore degli armamenti. Così viene di fatto integrata nella Nato l’unica potenza nucleare della regione, Israele, anche se rifiuta di firmare il Trattato di non-proliferazione (mentre l’Iran, che non ha armi nucleari, l’ha firmato).
Due giorni fa Israele ha testato un nuovo missile balistico a lungo raggio, che il ministro della difesa Ehud Barak ha definito «un importante passo avanti in campo missilistico e spaziale». Ciò conferma il rapporto di una commissione britannica indipendente, reso noto dal Guardian, secondo cui Israele è impegnato a potenziare le sue capacità di attacco nucleare, in particolare i missili balistici Jerico 3 con gittata intercontinentale di 8-9mila km e i missili da crociera lanciati dai sottomarini. Tale programma è supportato dai maggiori paesi della Nato. La Germania ha fornito a Israele negli anni ’90 tre sottomarini Dolphin (due come «dono») e gliene consegnerà nel 2012 altri due (il cui costo di 1,3 miliardi di dollari viene finanziato per un terzo dal governo tedesco), mentre è aperta la trattativa per la fornitura di un sesto sottomarino. I Dolphin, dotati dei più sofisticati sistemi di navigazione e combattimento, sono stati modificati così che possano lanciare missili da crociera nucleari a lungo raggio: i Popeye Turbo, derivati da quelli statunitensi, con gittata di 1.500 km.
Gli Stati uniti, che hanno già fornito a Israele oltre 300 cacciabombardieri F-16 e F-15, si sono impegnati a fornirgli almeno 75 caccia F-35 Joint Strike Fighter di quinta generazione (costo unitario: 120 milioni di dollari) e ad addestrare per primi i piloti israeliani, così da formare al più presto tre squadriglie di F-35 che costituiranno «una nuova punta di lancia strategica delle forze aeree israeliane». L’Italia sta collaborando a progetti di ricerca congiunta con gli istituti israeliani Weizmann e Technion, che compiono ricerche su armi nucleari e di nuovo tipo.
In tale quadro rientra l’esercitazione di Decimomannu, confermando che si sta mettendo a punto un piano di attacco all’Iran, con la partecipazione di forze israeliane, statunitensi, britanniche e altre, supportate dai comandi e dalle basi Nato. E sicuramente il piano prevede, per scoraggiare eventuali pesanti rappresaglie, di puntare alla testa del paese attaccato la pistola con la pallottola nucleare in canna.
IRAN – AZERBAIJAN Il lago Orumieh si prosciuga. Si teme l’esodo di 14 milioni di persone – Asia News
November 10th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
In pochi anni la superficie è diminuita del 60%. La popolazione accusa le cattive politiche di sviluppo del governo. Turchia e Azerbaijan invitano Teheran a prendere seri provvedimenti. Situato al confine con l’Azerbaijan, l’Ormieh è il più grande lago del Medio Oriente e il terzo bacino salato più esteso al mondo.
Teheran (AsiaNews/ Agenzie) – Il lago Orumieh (Iran nord occidentale), il terzo bacino idrico salato del mondo, si sta prosciugando. A causa dell’elevata evaporazione e dello sfruttamento dei fiumi immissari la sua superficie di 5mila kmq è diminuita del 60%. Secondo gli esperti potrebbe scomparire entro pochi anni, costringendo oltre 14 milioni di persone ad abbandonare le proprie terre. Temendo un’invasione, le autorità turche e azere hanno invitato Teheran a prendere seri provvedimenti per rallentare la desertificazione della zona.
La popolazione di etnia azera accusa le politiche di sviluppo del governo, che negli ultimi anni hanno bloccato i fiumi immissari con dighe idroelettriche e costretto i contadini ad irrigare i campi sfruttando le falde acquifere sotterranee, principale fonte di alimentazione del lago. A ciò si aggiunge il completamento nel 2008 della grande autostrada che unisce le due sponde del bacino in uno dei punti dove l’acqua è meno profonda. In questi mesi le città e villaggi intorno al lago sono state teatro di violente proteste antigovernative. La più recente risale allo scorso 1 settembre quando migliaia di persone si sono radunate a Tabriz per manifestare contro la decisione del governo di interrompere le politiche di risanamento del lago. Le autorità hanno arrestato oltre 20 persone.
Situato al confine con l’Azerbaijan, il lago è considerato una delle aree paesaggistiche più famose del Paese, con oltre 100 fra isole e isolotti rocciosi. Da secoli le sue acque e i suoi fanghi vengono utilizzati per la preparazione di creme e unguenti per la cura della pelle. L’ecosistema comprende oltre 200 specie animali fra cui uccelli, rettili e ben 27 tipologie di mammiferi, come il cervo giallo dell’Iran. A causa dell’elevata salinità dell’acqua il lago non ospita alcuna forma di vita.
Con il progressivo ritiro delle acque, il delicato ecosistema rischia di scomparire. A Urmia e Tabriz, le due principali città della regione, i porti sono ormai privi di acqua. Ovunque vi sono carcasse di navi adagiate sul fondo del lago. Moli, ponti e vecchie spiagge per la balneazione sono irriconoscibili e l’intero perimetro intorno al lago è una enorme distesa di sale. Ali Nazardust, direttore del Dipartimento iraniano per la protezione dei laghi, dice che sulla sponda di Urmia le acque sono diminuite di un terzo e il tasso di salinità è pari al 330%, in passato esso era pari al 160%.
Islam in Europe: Norway: Norwegian soldier died for Allah in Somalia
November 10th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
Via VG (Norwegian):A well-integrated Norwegian-Somali joined al-Shabaab and died fighting in Somalia, according to nunpublished report written by Jarle Hansen, one of the world’s leading experts on Somalia. The report was written for the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment (FFI).
The 27 year old had been an exemplary soldier and had Norwegian friends. The Norwegian Security Service confirms that the soldier, who served in the Royal Guards in 2005 and 2006, was killed this past March, apparently while fighting Somali forces. The 27-year old was the first known Norwegian citizen to be killed while battling for a terror organization.
VG Nett contacted the soldier’s family. They tell of a sudden change after he got in touch with the Tablighi community, an extremely conservative Muslim community. His father told VG Nett that his family was shocked when their son went to Somalia to join al-Shabaab.
“He went to Ethiopia last year to visit his mother. From there he went to Somalia, without telling me anything about it. It’s totally dreadful to think that he’s dead, I can’t get it out of my head,” says the father, who has five children in Norway.
The young man changed in 2009, when he began to dress in a long tunic and let his beard grow. He had not visited Africa since he arrived in Norway in 1994. Once in Somalia he called home from the terrorist controlled city of Beledweyn.
According to the army’s report, he served as a mid-level leader for al-Shabaab, and was responsible for training and transferring the knowledge he gained in the Royal Guards to the young terrorist recruits.
His family never heard fro him again. An unknown woman called in March 2011, introduced herself as his wife and informed them he had been killed. The family now wants to know who recruited him and sent him to his death.
Gender segregation on rise in Israel
November 9th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
JERUSALEM (AP) — Posters depicting women have become rare in the streets of Israel’s capital. In some areas women have been shunted onto separate sidewalks, and buses and health clinics have been gender-segregated. The military has considered reassigning some female combat soldiers because religious men don’t want to serve with them.
This is the new reality in parts of 21st-century Israel, where ultra-Orthodox rabbis are trying to contain the encroachment of secular values on their cloistered society through a fierce backlash against the mixing of the sexes in public.
On the surface, Israel’s gender equality bona fides seem strong, with the late Golda Meir as a former prime minister, Tzipi Livni as the current opposition leader, and its women soldiers famed around the world.
Reality is not so shiny. The World Economic Forum recently released an unfavorable image of women’s earning power in Israel, and in 2009, the last year for which data are available, Israeli women earned two-thirds what men did.
The newly enforced separation is felt most strongly in Jerusalem, where ultra-Orthodox Jews are growing in numbers and strength. The phenomenon is starting to be seen elsewhere, though in the Tel Aviv region, Israel’s largest metropolis, secular Jews are the vast majority, and life there resembles most Western cities.
Still, secular Jews there and elsewhere in Israel worry that their lifestyles could be targeted, too, because the ultra-Orthodox population, while still relatively small, is growing significantly. Their high birthrate of about seven children per family is forecast to send their proportion of the population, now estimated at 9 percent, to 15 percent by 2025.
Though categorizing is difficult, it is estimated that about one-quarter of Israel’s 6 million Jews are modern Orthodox, another quarter are traditional and the rest secular.
Numbers aside, the ultra-Orthodox wield disproportionate power in Israel’s fragmented political system.
“The stronger the ultra-Orthodox and religious community grows, the greater its attempt to impose its norms,” said Hannah Kehat, the founder of the religious women’s forum Kolech. Their norms, she said, are “segregation of women and discrimination against them.”
Ultra-Orthodox Jews around the world have long frowned upon the mixing of the sexes in their communities, but the attempt to apply this prohibition in public spaces is relatively new in Israel.
Israel’s ultra-Orthodox, known for their black garb and flowing sidelocks, began testing gender segregation years ago when ultra-Orthodox men started ordering women on certain bus lines to sit at the back of buses traveling through their neighborhoods.
The practice, also adopted in some ultra-Orthodox communities in the United States, was successfully challenged in Israel’s Supreme Court, and Kehat says women have been filing far fewer complaints about their treatment on buses. The vast majority of Israeli bus lines have never been segregated.
But buses weren’t the last stop on the gender-segregation ride.
Some supermarkets in ultra-Orthodox communities, once content to urge women patrons to dress modestly with long-sleeved blouses and long skirts, have now assigned separate hours for men and women — another practice seen in ultra-Orthodox communities in the U.S. Some health clinics have separate entrances and waiting rooms for men and women.
Meni Shwartz-Gera, an ultra-Orthodox journalist, says strict observance of modesty is a pillar of ultra-Orthodox Judaism and is being “wickedly” misrepresented as demeaning to women. People who dislike it can choose different options like supermarkets without special hours for men and women, he said.
“The purpose is not to denigrate women,” he said.
Israel’s Supreme Court disagrees.
Last month, the court ordered the dismantling of barriers erected in Jerusalem’s ultra-Orthodox Mea Shearim neighborhood meant to keep women and men from walking on the same sidewalk during a religious ceremony that drew tens of thousands to the enclave’s narrow streets.
Gender segregation “began with buses, continued with supermarkets and reached the streets,” Chief Justice Dorit Beinisch was quoted as saying during the court hearing. “It’s not going away, just the opposite.”
The Jerusalem city councilwoman who brought the case before the court, herself a religious Jew, was fired by secular Mayor Nir Barkat.
Barkat, who rose to power vowing to scale back the growing influence of an ultra-Orthodox population that accounts for one-third of the city’s 750,000 people, said he dismissed Rachel Azaria because she sued the city, not because she faced off against the ultra-Orthodox in court.
For years, advertisers have been covering up female models on billboards in Jerusalem and other communities with large ultra-Orthodox populations. Ultra-Orthodox have defaced such ads and vendors faced ultra-Orthodox boycotts of companies whose mores they deplore.
Recently, the voluntary censorship has gone beyond the scantily clad: Women are either totally absent from billboards, or, as with one clothing company’s ads, only hinted at by a photo of a back, an arm and a purse.
Over the summer, Jerusalem inaugurated a long-awaited light rail with a major outdoor advertising campaign. The rail line is touted as a marvel of 21st-century technology, but there are no women’s faces on any of the billboards affixed to its sides.
Advertisers acknowledge ultra-Orthodox pressure.
A private radio station went so far as to ban broadcast of songs by female vocalists and interviews with women.
Ohad Gibli, deputy director of marketing for the Canaan advertising agency, confirmed Monday that his company advised a transplant organization to drop pictures of women in their campaigns in Jerusalem and the ultra-Orthodox town of Bnei Brak for fear of a violent backlash.
“We have learned that an ad campaign in Jerusalem and Bnei Brak that includes pictures of women will remain up for hours at best, and in other cases, will lead to the vandalization and torching of buses,” he told Army Radio.
Barkat told reporters recently that “It’s illegal to forbid” advertising women. But “in Jerusalem, you’ve got to use common sense if you want to advertise something. It’s a special city, it’s a holy city with sensitivities for Muslims, for Christians, for ultra-Orthodox.”
If women are being figuratively erased from the city’s advertising landscape, then there are also attempts afoot by the devout to muzzle them.
In September, nine religious soldiers walked out of a military event because women were singing — an act that extremely devout Jews claim conjures up lustful thoughts. The military expelled four of them from an officers’ course because they refused to apologize for disobeying orders to stay.
But in a separate case, the army notified four female combat soldiers that they might have to leave their artillery battalion to make way for religious male soldiers who object to the mixing of the sexes.
Radicalization Splitting Society In Russia’s North Caucasus
November 8th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
By Gregory FeiferGIMRY, Russia — The tin roofs of Gimry glint in the bright midday sun high amid the jagged peaks of Daghestan’s Caucasus Mountains. Located on Russia’s southern fringe, this isolated village of houses built on top of each other along a thin strip of land is accessible by a single narrow dirt road, mostly washed away by rain. It’s so remote, children speak only the local Avar language and residents talk of “Russia” as if they’re in another country.
Village elders sit on benches under houses’ wooden balconies in the subtropical fall warmth. Their talk turns to how soldiers recently sealed off Gimry during a so-called counterterrorism operation that lasted almost two years. An elderly man with a white beard named Nabi Magomedov breaks down as he describes how it began. He says militants lured his son — a prominent member of Daghestan’s parliament — out of his house by saying they wanted to talk.
“They promised they wouldn’t shoot,” he tells me, “but when he came out, they shot him 62 times.”
Chechen rebel leader Doku Umarov took credit for ordering the killing. In a grainy video posted on the Internet, he accused the younger Magomedov of betraying Islam by cooperating with the authorities against the separatists fighting to establish Islamic Shari’a law across the Caucasus.
Fear And Loathing: Russian Attitudes Help Fuel Instability In The North Caucasus
But if the ensuing counterterrorism operation in Gimry was meant to combat such extremism by identifying militants among the locals, it did the opposite. Residents say that in addition to daily house-to-house searches, thousands of troops bristling with weapons cut down farmers’ trees, killed livestock, and stole whatever they could from the very poor people who live here.
Magomedov says they also shot villagers in what he calls a reign of terror. “So many people were killed, and no one punished for it,” he says. “The authorities don’t enforce the law, that’s why people dislike them.”
Outside the violent North Caucasus, there may be a growing perception that a certain, even managed, level of instability suits one or more groups among the authorities in Moscow. But as Prime Minister Vladimir Putin prepares to return to the presidency next year, developments in Daghestan and elsewhere show the situation in the Caucasus is anything but stable, and that traditional society is tearing at the seams.
Islam As Protest
Some villagers in Gimry say they’re protesting by refusing to observe Russian law. They say they live under Shari’a law instead, or at least their understanding of it, which includes blood feuds and other forms of centuries-old traditional law. Many have become Salafists, conservative Muslims who denounce the Sufi Islam traditionally practiced in the Caucasus for being under state control.
On a small plateau above the village, workers are busy building a new madrasah, an Islamic religious school some hope will take over from the local state school. Such opposition to rule from Moscow is an old trope in Gimry. It was the birthplace of the Imam Shamil, a legendary leader of resistance to the tsarist empire in the 19th century.
What worries the Kremlin most today is that young men from Gimry and other villages are leaving home to join militant groups behind bombings and shootings that take place almost daily across Daghestan. Locals call it “going into the forest,” and say the mounting tensions are building toward a serious confrontation with the authorities some say they’d welcome.
The general radicalization is exacerbating new divisions in a region whose many ethnic groups previously coexisted more-or-less peacefully. When a budding relationship between a young man of Gimry and a woman in the neighboring Sufi village of Insukul resulted in a shootout that killed seven people in September, the conflict was soon seen as religious in nature. After the incident, witnesses refused to give evidence to prosecutors. “You can’t observe two different laws, ours and the state’s,” one elderly man told me. Local police never venture here, so residents police themselves and have set up a checkpoint on the road leading to Gimry as men in both villages are preparing for revenge.
In the valley below Gimry, men attending midday prayers in a ramshackle brick Salafist mosque go through the elaborate ritual of washing their feet before entering. Some sport beards and military fatigues. Among them, Abu Magomedov says adopting Salafism is the only way to protest the unfairness of daily life. “Those who go into the forest want to get closer to God,” he says, “because Shari’a represents everything good in the world. Because most people live in denigration and filth and our politicians deceive us.”
Rasul Magomedov, father of a 28-year-old schoolteacher named Mariam Sharipova, who last year became one of the two suicide bombers who attacked the Moscow subway.
Magomedov is unusual for being a former Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) officer who fought in Chechnya. He says he was ordered to kill Muslim boys there “to control their numbers.” Now he says acts like the assassination of Daghestan’s interior minister two years ago are justified as justice and retribution.Violence In Makhachkala
Many of the attacks take place 200 kilometers east of Gimry in the regional capital, Makhachkala. Located on the shores of the Caspian Sea, it’s a chaotic city with new expensive apartment buildings standing amid the mostly old Soviet ones. On a busy downtown street last month, workers were sweeping up broken glass and metal from building facades shattered during one of the latest attacks, the bombing of a liquor store that killed a police officer and wounded 60 other people two days earlier. Passersby barely gave it their attention.
In a hospital a short walk away, victims from the blast lie bandaged on cots in a hot, crowded room. Among them, Magomed Getinov tells me he was leaving a friend’s apartment when the bomb went off, sending shrapnel into his side. He calls those who carried out the bombings “monsters,” and blames the region’s massive unemployment for prompting many young men with little to do to turn to violence. “They’re confused,” he says. “They lose their morals, start turning into religious extremists and blow up innocent people because they believe they’re going to take over the world.”
Another short walk away near the mayor’s office, a large billboard picturing Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin includes a quote saying he loves Daghestanis because they defend their homeland. But such displays of authority do little to assure residents here. At the bomb site, Makhachkala resident Baniyed Magomedova tells me regular attacks make residents afraid to go outside. “You walk along and don’t know where the next bomb will go off,” she says. “It’s very frightening.”She says the violence is getting worse. “Someone must be using religion as a cover because Islam doesn’t call for killing innocent people.”
Corruption, Bread, And Circus
Despite its poverty, Makhachkala’s society is cosmopolitan and open for the North Caucasus. Centuries of loose adherence to Islamic customs, not to mention the suppression of religion under the Soviet Union, means older generations are less devout. At a dinner with the gregarious head of the official journalists’ union, Ali Kamalov, he raised his first shot of vodka to Allah, although the atmosphere is changing even in the capital. A young relative also there refused to touch a drop. Kamalov tells me that like many public figures, he has been the target of several assassination attempts. “You survive by being very careful, by knowing the lay of the land,” he says of the clan-based power structure. “Everyone knows everyone, how they came to power and who stands behind them.”
But local affairs are overshadowed by the Kremlin. Kamalov describes speaking to an army general who confessed preferring instability in the region. “Back in Moscow, such people are nobodies,” Kamalov says. “Here they like conflict because it enables them to behave like heroes.”
Like many in the Caucasus, Kamalov says pervasive corruption choking the economy lies at the root of the problem. Most believe huge funds for developing agriculture, infrastructure, and social services are being pilfered by officials in Moscow and Makhachkala. Some of the money is spent on luxury cars and an expanding ring of suburban brick houses going up outside the capital. Much is also going into the local soccer club.
In January, Daghestani billionaire Suleiman Kerimov bought previously unknown FC Anzhi Makhachkala. Among his trophy purchases since was star Cameroonian player Samuel Eto’o, formerly of Inter-Milan, whose reported salary of $30 million per season makes him the highest-paid footballer ever. He lives and practices in Moscow and flies down for matches.
At an evening match against the Chechen team Terek Grozny, crowds stream into an old Soviet stadium amid huge security, with scores of troops carrying automatic rifles. Supporters chant Eto’o's name during the match, rising to a crescendo when he scores to equalize the game at 1-1. Whether or not Kerimov was coerced by the Kremlin, the surreal spectacle he provides is clearly aimed at channeling people’s energies. But it’s done little to create any real sense of normalcy.
All Those Soldiers
Across town in an outlying, concrete-block neighborhood, Svetlana Isayeva runs the group Mothers of Daghestan for Human Rights from a tiny ground-floor office. She started the organization after her 25-year-old son disappeared from the street outside her home three years ago. A stoic, dark-haired woman, Isayeva says many young men like him are detained by security forces, especially those who attend mosques and show other signs of religious piousness. She says they’re forced to confess to terrorism and often killed. “Lately it’s become common among law enforcers to burn people alive in their cars,” she says. “Then they’re accused of blowing themselves up by accident.”
Isayeva says the buildings in which suspects are killed are sometimes burned down, leaving families and neighbors with no compensation and nowhere to live and prompting more young men to turn to radical Islam. Isayeva’s own office was recently set on fire, but, she explains, her urge to act is stronger than the fear that keeps many other victims’ relatives silent.She says abductions began taking place regularly after troops were moved here from neighboring Chechnya in 2007, after the war there wound down. “All that equipment, all those soldiers. What was the military supposed to do?” she says. “They need conflict to continue surviving, that’s the only way I can explain it.”
‘Everything We Do Is For The People’
If tensions in Daghestan are mounting faster than anywhere else in the Caucasus, Ingushetia — a half-day’s drive across Chechnya to the west — has seen a decrease in violence in the three years since the Kremlin appointed President Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, after spiraling corruption and dysfunction under his predecessor prompted mass protests.
Yevkurov’s seat is in the new capital, Magas, built to replace the main town Nazran, an overgrown village that had carried out the role after Ingushetia split from separatist Chechnya in the 1990s. Located seemingly in the middle of nowhere, buildings in Magas are laid out in broad, Soviet-era fashion, with wide promenades surrounded by elite apartment buildings that are mostly empty because only the richest can afford them. Islamic codes are followed much more closely in Ingushetia. Young female university students in head-to-toe dresses and head scarves gossiping on benches stand when men walk by as a sign of respect.
WATCH: In Ingushetia, even the region’s popular leader has been unable to tackle the root causes of violence there (video by author and cameraman Yuri Timofeev):
Download
The presidential compound, only several years old, already appears weathered. Inside his sprawling office, Yevkurov wears a crisp gray suit and black shirt. An imposing but soft-spoken former military officer, he took part in the Russian storming of Kosovo’s Pristina airport in 1999. Now an unusual figure in this extraordinarily corrupt region, he is genuinely popular for prevailing on the security forces to reduce their counterterrorism operations, building schools, and talking to human rights activists and ordinary people. He tells me his main task is to make clear to officials that “everything we do is for the people.”“We’re in power thanks to them,” he says. “Without the people, there would be no bureaucrats.” Yevkurov admits soldiers still carry out abuses. But he also blames parents. He says it’s their responsibility to know what their children are doing, and that they shouldn’t be surprised when their sons are targeted in security operations against known Islamist militants. “Every single time, they tell me, ‘We didn’t see anything!’” he says. “When I ask them, ‘Did you know your children were meeting [militants] in the forest?’ they say no, they didn’t know.”
‘If He’s Guilty, Let Them Punish Him’
Yevkurov’s accusation angers parents like Masha Posheva, who says she chided him during a recent meeting to appeal for help finding her son Ruslan. A gentle woman in her fifties, Posheva last saw him in May, when he dropped her off for work in Nazran. Masked gunmen in uniform stopped his car on the main road soon after. Witnesses later told Posheva they forced him into a minivan before his car was found abandoned.
“I just can’t come up with a reason,” she says. “He was very well behaved from childhood, he never lied or stole. The only thing people may not have liked was his piousness. He was a very devout boy.” Posheva praises her son, a court bailiff, as a hard worker who loves his two young children. “I know what he was doing,” she says. “He didn’t have time to be involved with militants.” Still, she admits he may have done something illegal. “But there are laws in this country,” she says. “If he’s guilty, let them punish him, but tell me whether my child is still alive. That’s all I ask.”
The only avenue for many victims and their relatives like Posheva is to register abuses at Memorial, the leading human rights group, which supports a small local office in Nazran. Memorial’s Abubakar Sechayev says many like Ruslan Poshev disappear because the slightest suspicion of knowing a militant is enough to get them arrested or worse. “A person can be suspected today and easily killed tomorrow and his house burned down,” Sechayev says. “If the security services had any real proof, they’d go through the courts.”
WATCH: Ingushetia President Yunus-Bek Yevkurov talks about militants and public trust (video by author and cameraman Yuri Timofeev): Download
Yevkurov maintains that he approves every counterterrorist operation. But Sechayev says that despite the decrease in searches and arrests, they’re still conducted with the same violence and insensitivity as before. Sechayev’s Memorial colleague Ahmet Barahoev says the real problem is Yevkurov’s powerlessness. “He and others in the administration can’t influence the situation in the Caucasus today,” he says, “because much of what’s going on is dictated by security structures that aren’t subordinate to him or any one else inside the region.”Getting Used To Death
Nazran’s dusty center is little more than a chaotic crossroads near a market and a bus station. The atmosphere on the streets is undeniably tense. Years of regular shootings and explosions by Islamist militants have made the town a place where few restaurants stay open long after dark and it’s difficult to find alcohol served anywhere.
Young people drink tea inside a popular café near the market, one of the few such places you see many women. Marina, a sharp young medical student who declines to give her last name, says she doesn’t go out after dark but that people have to get on with their lives despite the danger. “The first time a friend is killed, you grieve for maybe a year or more,” she says. “But after 20 times, you get used to death. We hear explosions one day and forget about them the next.”
The following day, I drive 50 kilometers west of Nazran to Malgobek. Set on flat plains in the shadow of Caucasus Mountains foothills, the town is relatively prosperous and well-kept. Still, security forces have swooped in the previous day to arrest six young men they say had come down from the mountains to plan militant attacks. Yevkurov later praises the counterterrorism operation for causing no injuries or damage. But a woman in a nearby village who refuses to give her name tells me that around 100 masked, uniformed men who arrived on armored personnel carriers broke into her house that day.
“They didn’t explain anything, just threatened and insulted us, saying we were hiding a criminal,” she says. “Of course we were very scared.” When her elderly mother told the soldiers she would file a complaint, one of them replied, “Shut up old woman, we do what we want here!”
In the center of Malgobek, I speak to a grizzled pensioner named Kureish Igiyev amid colorful flowering bushes in the courtyard of his house. He tells me he supports the campaign against militants but wonders why soldiers recently arrived to arrest the meek janitor of a nearby residential building on personnel carriers. “They could have led him out by the ear but instead proceeded to shell the building,” he says.Pipe Dreams
Back in Nazran, a French teacher at the local university named Zarema Deligova sums up her complaints with the common refrain that violence on both sides is only part of the problem. “If corruption is the main woe elsewhere in Russia, here it’s corruption and the military,” she says. “I don’t know which is worse.”
Despite President Yevkurov’s efforts, residents say official corruption continues to choke the economy, fueling a staggering unemployment rate of 57 percent, Russia’s highest. In Nazran’s maze-like outdoor market, a fruit vendor named Zaira, who won’t give her last name, tells me customers are buying less than before. “And officials gouge more money out of us every day,” she says. “We’re forced to pay rising taxes and pension fund payments we don’t need at all.”
Yevkurov is pinning big hopes on the development of mountain resorts he says could employ up to 70 percent of the population. Asked whether he really believes foreign tourists would travel to Ingushetia to ski, he tells me he recently expanded a heavily guarded border zone to provide the area with adequate security. But critics say the month it now takes officials to approve applications to visit the zone symbolizes the futility of any hope that Yevkurov’s efforts will really change anything in Ingushetia.
Here, as elsewhere in the Caucasus, the future seems bleak. “I’m frightened Putin is coming back,” the rights activist Svetlana Isayeva tells me in Makhachkala, echoing the views of many who fear the social fabric will only deteriorate further. “It all started under him.”
Clinton explains inconsistent US support for Arab Spring movements – Bikya Masr : Bikya Masr
November 8th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
Clinton explains inconsistent US support for Arab Spring movements
Sarah Sheffer | 8 November 2011 | 1 CommentCAIRO: United States interests can clash with its support for democratic movements, acknowledged Secretary of State Hilary Clinton in speech at the National Democratic Institute on Monday, explaining why, for instance, the US backed a military coalition against Libya’s former leader Muammar Ghaddafi, but took a more cautious stance against the Syrian Bashar al-Assad dictatorship.
The administration’s oil, security, and military interests in the region, as well as their partnership with the Israeli state have blurred the potential for an absolute support for democratic transition.
Clinton acknowledged in her comments that the United States deals differently with pro-democracy movements. However, the guarantee of democratic freedoms is the best way to secure stability in the long run, she went on.
“Over time, a more democratic Middle East can provide a more sustainable basis for addressing all three. But there will be times when not all of our interests align. We work to align them, but that is just reality.”
As the United States after the Arab Spring protests that deposed of various Arab leasers who were once allies of the US, Clinton explained, the administration has had to adopt a malleable foreign policy in the Middle East.
Arguably, the biggest obstacle to United States’ foreign policy in the Middle East is in Egypt, where their three-decade ally, former President Hosni Mubarak, was removed from power after a series of popular uprisings in February.
The United States has criticized Egypt’s interim ruling government, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) for transitioning too slowly to a civilian-led democracy, as it has initially promised.
“If, over time, the most powerful political force in Egypt remains a roomful of unelected officials, they will have planted the seeds for future unrest. Egyptians will have missed a historic opportunity. And so will we.”
Clinton also said that the United States is willing to work with any democratically elected powers in the region, even those that they do not agree with ideologically such as the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliated Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) and the Islamist Ennahda party that swept Tunisian elections last month.
“What parties call themselves is less important than what they do,” Clinton said, echoing the comments of William Taylor, the administration’s special coordinator for Middle East transitions, who spoke to the same sentiments earlier this week.
In June, the US administration changed its policy about engaging with the Brotherhood, easing restrictions that once mandated that the US could only speak with MB members who were independent members of Parliament.
The administration has reached out to leaders of the party, which is expected to make significant gains in upcoming Parliamentary elections in Egypt, set to begin at the end of November.
“Those leaders trying to hold back the future at the point of a gun should know their days are numbered,” she warned, speaking to fears that a power vacuum in the region could lead to a backslide in democratic reforms and freedoms.
BM
ShortURL: http://goo.gl/Ej1ctTags: Arab Spring, featured, Hilary Clinton, US foreign policy
Section: Egypt, Latest News
Palestina: se anche il terrorismo è una questione economica
November 8th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
Se in questi anni la lotta al terrorismo è stata condotta con guerre e muri di separazione, oggi uno studio afferma che il progresso economico potrebbe essere la soluzione più efficace.
di Maria Letizia Perugini
Uno studio della Harry S. Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace ha analizzato gli attentati suicidi palestinesi degli ultimi anni, con l’obiettivo di capire il peso delle condizioni economiche su chi compie tali atti.
Lo studio ha preso in esame diversi episodi che si sono verificati tra il 2000 e il 2006, e sono state prese in considerazione le caratteristiche personali di 157 palestinesi protagonisti di attentati. Quindi la provenienza, il background culturale e le condizioni economiche di ciascuno.
I ricercatori hanno notato che in quel periodo il tasso di disoccupazione palestinese raggiungeva il 60%, e che i protagonisti degli attentati erano per lo più uomini di età compresa tra i 15 e i 40 anni. È stata rilevata anche la presenza anche di donne kamikaze, ma il loro numero è talmente basso da non costituire un elemento rilevante per la ricerca.
Secondo i risultati un aumento del 5% del tasso di disoccupazione si riflette automaticamente sulla probabilità che l’attentatore abbia un background accademico e che provenga dal mondo dei militanti attivisti, che abbia quindi una maggiore esperienza e consapevolezza politica, ingredienti essenziali per il successo dell’impresa. Allo stesso modo mutano anche i cosiddetti target degli attentati: più elevato è il tasso di disoccupazione, più imponente sarà l’obiettivo, ad esempio una città con più di 50 mila abitanti.
Dalle condizioni economiche dipenderebbe il profilo dell’attentatore e le caratteristiche dell’attentato. L’aumento di povertà determinerebbe una crescita del bacino dei possibili attentatori, di chi cioè è disposto a sacrificare la propria vita per una causa comune. I ricercatori della Harry S. Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace - che hanno consegnato la loro ricerca al governo israeliano -sostengono quindi che le organizzazioni terroristiche rispondono all’ambiente economico che hanno intorno.
8 novembre 2011
Iran Looks to China, Russia to Break out of US Sanctions | Informed Comment
November 8th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
Iran Looks to China, Russia to Break out of US Sanctions
Posted on 11/08/2011 by Juan
The four rounds of United Nations Security Council sanctions on Iran are likely about as far as Russia and China are willing to go. Even the new charges against Iran apparently contained in the forthcoming International Atomic Energy Agency report (which do not rise to the level of accusing Tehran of having an active nuclear weapons program or of having diverted uranium to it), according to Reuters, are unlikely to impress China and Russia.
The problem is that sanctions on the Iranian financial and banking sector are already so extensive that the only way to go beyond them is to start a boycott of Iranian petroleum and gas.
But China simply won’t go along with any such policy. In fact, China increased its petroleum imports from Iran in the first half of 2011 by 50% over the previous year. China took 650,000 barrels a day from Iran last June, making the latter the third biggest supplier, following Saudi Arabia and Angola. China also increased its naphtha imports from Iran by 280% over the previous year!
China is now the world’s second-largest petroleum importer, after the United States, and clearly sees imports from Iran as an important part of its energy mix. So China is not voting at the UN to inflict on itself a shortfall of over half a million barrels a day of petroleum
Iran exports about 2.4 million barrels a day of petroleum, of which China imports a little over a fourth.
Moreover, it would not be a good thing for anyone to have a global boycott (essentially a blockade) of Iranian petroleum, since that move would take the 2.4 million barrels a day off the world market and drive prices up to several hundred dollars a barrel.
So it just isn’t going to happen.
(Another significant Iranian export market, India, has been able to pay down its $5 billion in arrears, using the Turkish Halk Bank, and there are rumors that Tehran might turn, or has turned, to a Russian bank as well. India had temporary difficulties in paying for Iranian oil because, at President Obama’s urging, Delhi kicked Iran off the South Asia banking exchange.)
Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov recently issued a stern warning against any use of military force against Iran, cleverly reminding Israel and the US that only self-defense or a UNSC resolution could authorize such an attack in international law, and neither is in evidence.
Iranian foreign minister Ali Akbar Salehi attended the summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which groups China and Russia with four Central Asian states. Tehran is seeking to move from observer status to being a full member.
The SCO may prove a congenial home for Iran. It is an area where the US has little diplomatic clout, and the US is seen as bogged down in Afghanistan.
The new, more pro-US International Atomic Energy Agency is willing to speculate about Iran’s nuclear enrichment program in a way that Mohammed Elbaradei never was. I have argued that Iran is seeking “nuclear latency” or the “Japan option,” that is, it does not want to now construct or store a nuclear warhead. Rather, Tehran wants the ability to construct a nuclear warhead in a short period of time if it became necessary to deter an invasion of the sort the US inflicted on Iraq. If Iran actually constructed a nuclear device and detonated it, the action might well produce North Korea-style sanctions and isolation. But latency has almost the same deterrent effect, and is much less costly in global political capital.
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Chi guida la controrivoluzione araba | Il mondo di Annibale
November 8th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
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Chi guida la controrivoluzione araba
2 milioni di fedeli musulmani sono a La Mecca per il pellegrinaggio. Una folla enorme, di fedeli giunti da tutti i paesi islamici, soprattuto arabi, ha partecipato alla preghiera collettiva guidata dal gran mufti dell’Arabia Saudita, Abdel Aziz al-Sheikh, davanti alla moschea di Namera, quella costruita lì dove Maometto pronunciò il suo ultimo sermone, ormail più di 14 secoli fa.
E che cosa ha detto il gran mufti ai fedeli? Ma che l’Islam è la soluzione dei problemi dei musulmani, mentre un’invasione mediatica e culturale cerca di fiaccare, indebolire la loro fede.
E come cerca di ottenere questo risultato deta invasione? Ma è chiaro, “generando animosità tra i popoli e i loro governanti!”
Se si pensa alla Siria potrebbe sembrare che il gran muftì si sia ispirato alle tesi congressuali del Pdci, se si pensa all’Egitto, o alla Tunisia, o alla Libia di inizio anno si potrebbe pensare che si sia ispirato alle tesi del nostro ministro degli esteri! Ma se si pensa a tutti questi e soprattutto a quelli del Golfo, all’Arabia Saudita, si capisce che c’è il principe Nayef, il numero due del regime saudita, nascosto dietro il suo discorso.
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Geopolitica di Erdoğan – rivista italiana di geopolitica – Limes
November 8th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
La Turchia di Erdoğan è messa di fronte ad una crisi interna ed esterna. Da una parte troviamo il nuovo avversario israeliano.
Dall’altra il paese ha problemi con quasi tutti i suoi vicini, dalla Grecia alla Siria, dall’Iraq all’Armenia, per finire con l’Iran.
I rapporti con gli Stati Uniti procedono bene, anche grazie alla decisione di Ankara di ospitare un sistema radar americano inquadrato nel futuribile scudo contro i missili iraniani.
Carta tratta da Limes 5/2011 “Israele più solo, più forte“
(4/11/2011)
Turchia: ondata di arresti contro i politici curdi
November 8th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
7 novembre 2011 – Il Partito filo-curdo della pace e della democrazia (BDP) è come se fosse agli arresti dal 14 aprile 2009. Da allora sono 268 i politici di alto livello imprigionati nelle carceri turche, tra cui quattro membri del Comitato centrale esecutivo del partito, 14 membri dell’Assemblea, sei parlamentari, 12 sindaci, 12 assessori, 56 consiglieri comunali e molti intellettuali.
Le ondate di arresti sono state lanciate per il caso KCK (Unione delle comunità del Kurdistan) in tutta la Turchia, e sembra che ora tutti i dirigenti del BDP, tranne i suoi deputati, siano in prigione.
La sede del BDP di Ankara e il Partito comunista di Turchia (TKP) terranno conferenze stampa per protestare contro queste operazioni.
Tuttavia, gli arresti e le punizioni contro i politici curdi continuano, e nel fine settimana il sindaco di Kiziltepe, Ferhat Türk, già imprigionato, è stato condannato a cinque mesi di carcere e al pagamento di 3000 lire turche per aver parlato in curdo.
The Iranians Certainly Think They’ve Won in Iraq | Critical Threats
November 8th, 2011 § Leave a Comment
The final arbiter of Iran’s foreign policy, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. (Wikimedia Commons)Efforts by the Obama administration and its allies to paint the failure to achieve an agreement for which they have been actively negotiating as a success in Iraq are unimpressive in themselves. Their argument, stated most cogently by one of the lead negotiators of both this and the previous accord with Iraq, Brett McGurk, is roughly that the negotiations themselves revealed the new maturity and independence of Iraqi politics. That new maturity and independence, they argue, unfortunately led to the inability of both sides to agree on language granting American troops immunity from Iraqi laws, and, therefore, to the scuttling of the negotiations. McGurk argues explicitly that the failure of the negotiations did not result from Iranian pressure or interference, but rather proves the success of policies in Iraq to date.
It’s very odd, of course, to hear that the maturity of Iraq’s politics makes it impossible for the U.S. to reach an accord with Baghdad on an issue that has been satisfactorily resolved by agreements with Britain, Germany, Japan, South Korea, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Turkey, and many other countries in which American military forces are present. It is even harder to understand the repeated administration claims that Iran played no significant role in this decision, despite enormous evidence to the contrary (detailed here) and the ongoing Iranian militia campaigns, assassination campaigns, and intimidation campaigns in Iraq and around the region.
Setting these disagreements aside, though, we must reckon with an unpleasant reality: Whether we ultimately persuade ourselves that failing to extend the U.S. troop presence in Iraq was a victory for the U.S., the Iranians are certain that it was a victory for them. Considerthe following recent statements by Iranian leaders and military officials after the president’s announcement that the talks were over:
“Today America has been defeated in Afghanistan and Iraq, and it has no choice but [to] leave these two countries. And it has also been defeated in North Africa.” – Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, November 2
“In spite of the military and political presence of America in Iraq, all Iraqi people — including Kurds and Arabs, Shia and Sunni — said ‘no’ to America and this is a very important point.” – Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, October 30
Referring to Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta’s remarks that Iran should refrain from meddling in Iraq following the American troop withdrawal, Iranian defense minister Ahmad Vahidi said the “occupiers of Iraq” have been forced to leave the country and that their “meddlesome remarks stem from their deep fear of seeing the two nations (Iraq and Iran) united.”
“Proposing to strengthen [the] American military presence in the Persian Gulf [by Washington] is out of desperation and [is being proposed] only to compensate for the defeat resulting from its pullout from Iraq.” — Iranian defense minister Ahmad Vahidi, November 2
“The American soldiers had no other choice than to leave Iraq, and this is the beginning of all American forces withdrawing from the region and the people’s intolerance of these ambassadors of death, colonialism, and plundering. Even if the Americans retreat from Iraq and Afghanistan, their problems will not be pushed aside, and the American people will force their government to retreat from the region completely and permanently.” – Chief of the Iranian general staff, Hassan Firouzabadi, October 26
“There is no [longer] any secure place for the U.S. and its puppets and allies. . . . They do not dare to be present in the Islamic territories and they are forced to travel secretly.” – IRGC Deputy Commander Hossein Salami, 1 November
“If the U.S. could deploy its troops in several parts of the world, it would not withdraw from Iraq. . . . But now it has no more room to continue its presence neither in Iraq, nor in the entire region due to the growing spread of Islamic awakening among nations.” – Iranian foreign-ministry spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast, October 24
Lebanese Hezbollah secretary general “Hassan Nasrallah has described the withdrawal of American troops from Iraq as a historic defeat for the U.S. and a true victory for Iraqis. . . . In a televised interview, Nasrallah said on Monday that Iraqis owe this remarkable achievementto the resistance groups, adding that U.S. troops would have stayed in the country if they had felt secure. . . . He also compared U.S. pullout from Iraq to the withdrawal of Israeli troops from southern Lebanon.” October 25
(See Will Fulton and Maseh Zarif, “Iranian Reactions to U.S. Withdrawal from Iraq,” 4 November 2011 for sources and more quotations. This product will be updated as new comments become available.)
Administration allies are also arguing, of course, that if — and they don’t admit this — Iraq is being thrown into the hands of Tehran, it is the fault of Bush and the “neo-cons” for invading Iraq in the first place. That argument is also false — Iraqis had been resisting Iranian pressure, had been fighting Iranian militias, and had made a number of important political decisions despite enormous Iranian efforts to prevent them from doing so — while 40,000 American troops were in Iraq and negotiations were continuing to extend the presence of a much smaller number. But no one in the Bush administration or among the advocates of the surge long ago thought that Iraq would be ready and able to stand up to such Iranian pressure without continued active American support this soon, and — the Pollyannaish protestations of administration supporters aside — Iraq is not, in fact, able to stand up to Iran now by itself.
That argument about who’s to blame, however, is also beside the point for those who really care about American national-security interests in Iraq and the Middle East. If partisan political bickering prevents us from recognizing the reality that Iran really has scored an important and damaging victory over the United States in Iraq through the failure of the these negotiations to extend our troop presence, then the prospects for any intelligent strategy to respond to that failure are dim indeed.












Se in questi anni la lotta al terrorismo è stata condotta con guerre e muri di separazione, oggi uno studio afferma che il progresso economico potrebbe essere la soluzione più efficace.